Egypt's media needs a revolution

Brilliant article providing insight into how media in Egypt is run. Posted by The Guardian's Austin Mackell, read on.

As Egypt's deeply flawed parliamentary elections approach and the revolution struggles to maintain momentum, the battle over the media – and TV in particular – is of great importance. In a country with an illiteracy rate of 40%, television is the main and most trusted source of news. This is not lost on Egypt's activists, who are busy looking for ways to reach those outside the informed and critical Twitter/Facebook circles that have been the central means of spreading dissent so far.

Alaa Abd El Fatah, the prominent blogger who is currently imprisoned, was among a group of activists hoping to set up a nonprofit broadcaster in Egypt. Such a channel would still be vulnerable to direct military intervention (troops have entered TV studios on at least three occasions, and in the case of al-Jazeera Mubasher they seized equipment and forced the channel off air). It would, however, prevent the military rulers and other establishment figures leaning on a single owner or group of owners to control the channel's coverage.

That practice – in some ways more insidious than outright censorship – is said to be rife. The activists are not alone in making this accusation; prominent journalist Yosri Foda recently cancelled his show Akher Kallam("The Last Word") saying that if he couldn't tell the truth, he would say nothing at all. Unfortunately, such journalistic integrity is far from universal in the Egyptian media. More common is what Foda described as "cheap and propaganda-style journalism". The most extreme form of this is to be found in the government media which have made themselves accomplices in state terror.

It is hard to imagine a more perfect example of media malpractice than the events of 9 October. Unarmed protesters were being shot and crushed to death under army vehicles, literally within spitting distance from the famousMaspero building, where state media is headquartered.

Meanwhile, inside, state TV anchor Rasha Magdy was reporting the opposite: armed "Christians" had attacked soldiers, killing three, she said. She went on to call for "honourable citizens" to come to the streets and defend the army – directly inciting sectarian violence.

State TV's malpractices, including showing tranquil shots of the Nile during the January uprising while massive protests filled Tahrir Square just a few blocks away, and coverage of the 6 October holiday celebrating Egypt's "victory" in the 1973 war with Israel can border on the absurd – though in reality they are no laughing matter.

A former state TV employee told me recently how explicit commands would filter down from management to report a story a certain way, or to ignore it, or to wait for an official statement – the reading of which would be as far as coverage on that issue went. "I felt like a liar for a long time before I decided to quit," she said, adding: "We didn't actually cover Tunisia until Ben Ali fled".

Despite a protest and sit-in by some state TV employees in the months immediately after Mubarak's fall, calling for wage increases and a purge of the higher echelons, this culture of obedience has survived but with one distinct change. Before the instructions had come primarily from the ministry of information; now, they come almost exclusively from the military.

Just as worrying as these workplace practices however, was the manner in which my acquaintance got her job in the first place – through a connection she describes as her "godfather" in the organisation. This is typical of the culture inside Maspero, where networks of nepotism, rather than professional merit are what determine employment and promotion.

These networks of client-patron relations – reminiscent of ancient Rome or the modern-day mafia – are not limited to state TV, but infect every element of Egyptian bureaucracy, business and society and are the wire that holds the old order in place. Before this revolution can be complete they will all need to be challenged. The state broadcaster is a perfect place to start.

Media in Egypt

It's remarkable to watch the media in Egypt at the moment, and the way that many of the stories being told are spun one way or another. This is well worth a read, off of the BBC.


Egyptian media: State misinformation amid the protests?

By Martin AsserBBC News

The scenes on the street are described very differently by the state-controlled media in Egypt and international broadcasters

Continue reading the main story

Egypt Unrest

• Egypt unrest: Day 14 as it happened
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A well-known news anchor publicly quitting over editorial interference by Egypt's government; foreign reporters seized by security forces or roughed up by loyalist thugs; officials lambasting pan-Arab media outlets and the BBC. Are these omens for the end of days for Hosni Mubarak's rule?

Any hopes that the Mubarak government would one day embrace a free media in Egypt now lie in tatters.

As the world watched massive peaceful demonstrations calling for an end to Mr Mubarak's rule, viewers of Egyptian state-run TV have been fed a very different story.

Official broadcasts show small, if spirited, pro-Mubarak rallies, while Tahrir Square gatherings have been portrayed mainly in a context of violent instability - especially when pro-Mubarak ruffians attacked pro-democracy protesters on 2 February.

At the time of writing, the "Day of Departure" rally is being filmed by state TV from a distant rooftop, described by the Orwellian caption "Demonstrations to support stability".

Arabic commentary asserts similar events are taking place across Egypt. In effect, pro-democracy rallies have become pro-government rallies following Mr Mubarak's warnings of chaos if he leaves office.

But not every broadcaster has been so on-message. Shaheera Amin, deputy head of the English-language Nile TV, announced her resignation yesterday because she no longer wanted to participate in "their propaganda machine".

"We are not allowed to report on what's happening in Tahrir Square," Ms Amin told the BBC. "We're just covering the pro-Mubarak rallies, which I thought was ridiculous."

Independent voices

The sheer numbers of anti-Mubarak protesters show many Egyptians are happy to turn a deaf ear to what they see as a discredited state-controlled mouthpiece.

They can get their information from the internet, or international satellite broadcasters, and - ironically in today's political climate - they may have benefited from efforts by Mr Mubarak's son, Gamal, to open up the media.

Even the state-owned press, like the venerable al-Ahram founded in 1875, have inched towards a more diverse range of opinion, though controversial opinions are conveyed in cryptic or coded language.In recent years, independent newspapers have been allowed to voice vigorous criticism of government officials, although the president and state institutions are off-limits under draconian criminal libel laws.

"The Egyptian media includes many courageous voices and they have done a great job in the last few years," says Egyptian journalist Hosni Imam, who heads the Foreign Press Association in London.

What he calls the "earthquake" now rocking Egypt presents opportunities for the media to take up, but also major challenges to be overcome.

"It is clear the ministry of information's power has waned," he said. "After the 'Battle of the Camel' (in Tahrir Square on 2 February), it was silent, showing it has lost the plot. The state is collapsing.

"But it is not easy to become free in a single moment, after decades of journalists being made to suppress information."

'Israeli agents'

But this is more than a game of media cat-and-mouse after decades of state interference and manipulation.

Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

The thugs of the regime are conducting a vendetta against journalists, who are not part of the story and should be allowed to cover it freely”

Hosni ImamEgyptian journalist and head of London's Foreign Press Association

As Egypt's rulers struggle to handle the phenomenon of People Power in city centres, they have turned on the independent media in a classic display of "shoot the messenger" behaviour.

First rumours were spread that Israeli agents where posing as foreign journalists in the country to foment the unrest. Officials alleged external media outlets - including the BBC - were biased, distorted and even seditious.

On Wednesday, as violence was convulsing Tahrir Square, foreign journalists found themselves being seized and mistreated by security forces or beaten up by pro-Mubarak mobs.

Many were accused of deliberately undermining Egypt's stability by misrepresenting the protests.

"The thugs of the regime are conducting a vendetta against journalists, who are not part of the story and should be allowed to cover it freely," says Hosni Imam.

"Instead of going with its dignity and honour intact, by doing this the government is tarnishing its own reputation - the world is watching."

The Death of Egypt's Free Press

Although this was posted last week in the online version of Foreign Policy, it is still an article well worth reading. Particularly for those keeping up to date with the shenanigans of Egypt's upcoming elections. I am familiar with the publication "al-Dustour" from my work with the Arab West Report, and was always supportive of their articles, particularly those that dealt with the sensitive issue of Muslim-Christian relations. Al-Dustour was one of the few publications in Egypt that you could count on for at least telling most if not all of the opinions from both sides.

Written by David Kenner, read on!!

 Ibrahim Eissa, al-Dustour's former editor in chief

In the run-up to November's parliamentary elections, President Hosni Mubarak's allies are silencing what remains of the independent media.

For years, the newspaper al-Dostour has been one of the few independent voices in the Egyptian press. No longer: Its editor in chief, Ibrahim Eissa, was fired today for refusing to toe the government line.

The immediate reason for Eissa's firing appears to be his plan to publish an article written by opposition leader and would-be presidential candidate Mohamed ElBaradei commemorating Egypt's 1973 war with Israel. But in an exclusive interview with Foreign Policy, Eissa said that his dismissal had been planned since the paper was purchased by Sayyid Badawi, a businessman and head of Egypt's Wafd Party, a liberal party that has nonetheless been co-opted by the regime. Eissa referred to Badawi as a member of Egypt's "soft opposition" -- someone publicly pushing for reforms, but who isn't willing to challenge the regime in any serious way.
"They bought the newspaper for $4 million, just to stop me from writing," Eissa said. "They had begun interfering within one week of taking over the paper, and the sale was only finalized 24 hours before I was fired."

Eissa said that the controversy over the ElBaradei article was simply the latest attempt by al-Dostour's board of directors, chaired by Badawi, to censor controversial and anti-government content from the newspaper. ElBaradei, in his article (since published on al-Dostour's website by its staff), argues that the spirit of self-criticism and rational planning, which allowed Egypt to come back from its defeat in the 1967 war with its victory in 1973, is absent from President Hosni Mubarak's regime. The board, Eissa said, was staunchly opposed to publishing the article: "They said that it would lead to revolution in Egypt."

With the 82-year-old Mubarak laying the groundwork for his son Gamal's succession to the presidency and Egyptian parliamentary elections scheduled for November, Eissa's dismissal appears to be part of a larger effort to mute Egypt's most vocal anti-government figures before this leadership transition. Some analysts, including other editors at al-Dostour, have suggested that Eissa's firing might be an attempt by the Wafd to ingratiate itself with the government and thereby secure a larger number of seats in the parliamentary elections.
All signs suggest that the Egyptian government does not intend to loosen its grip on Eissa or allow the democratic process to run its course. A few weeks ago, a television show offering political commentary hosted by Eissa was canceled. Mubarak' s regime has also shown little inclination to allow international monitors to observe the parliamentary elections.

Being silenced by government censors is nothing new for Eissa who, according to Foreign Policy contributor Issandr Amrani's excellent profile, spent seven years as "persona non grata" in the Egyptian press after his first iteration of al-Dostour was shut down. However, he says that he will remain outspoken. "I will continue to be a part of the opposition and will continue to criticize the government," he said.

Eissa will no doubt continue to be as vocal as Mubarak's regime will allow him -- but can al-Dostour, which he labored to transform into a legitimate news source over the past five years, maintain its reputation as a bastion of Egypt's independent press? Eissa spoke throughout the interview in Arabic, with his wife helping to translate his remarks -- but he answered this last question in English himself: "Absolutely not."

 

And on a lighter note

Now this article I will whole heartedly comment on. In this day and age of black and white when it comes to acceptance and hatred, I find it more and more prudent to be able to make light of a negative situation. In this case, the suggestion fronted by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, who are in full swing in attempting to slap censorship on the Blackberry phones. Reason being?

Well...that's quite simple. The Blackberry has heralded itself as being capable of encrypting messages, one of the reasons it is so popular a device for business people to use. Not only can you safely view and send emails via your Blackberry, the infamous BBM is also encrypted to ensure no possible interception of your messages. Of course, this does not fly too well with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, whose media ("censorship") authorities distrust the encryption capability. Translation --> we don't like not being able to read everything and anything that you are sending. So the ideal result? Banning the Blackberry's ability to access the Internet/Email/BBMs within Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

This article puts such a great spin on this ridiculous suggestion, that I have to share it.

Gulf states order Blackberry users to cover their phones in a tiny burqa

New laws in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates will require that every Blackberry user dress their phone a miniature burqa and face veil.

‘The Blackberry burqa means that people can still use their phones,’ said a Saudi government official, ‘but the tiny niqab that covers the screen will stop them from reading emails or accessing the Internet.’

The introduction of the burqa is intended to conceal the Blackberry from unwanted attention. With the veil in place only a tiny slit remains revealing just the time and date, thus preserving its modesty.

‘This is not about censorship or oppression,’ said UAE telecommunications regulator Mohammed al-Ghanem, ‘this is about preserving the essential purity of the Blackberry and protecting it from being corrupted.’

ome businessmen believe that making their phone wear a burqa can be very liberating. ‘It’s great,’ said one, ‘with the veil in place I am free to walk about with my Blackberry in public without the feeling that people are staring lustily at my multi-media application. It also covers my shame for not owning an iPhone.’
Some religious groups have welcomed the policy. ‘If Allah had meant us to freely access the Internet He would have given us web browsers in our heads,’ said a local imam, adding ‘There is absolutely no mention of instant messaging in the Koran and at no point did Muhammad, or any of his eleven wives, ever say LOL, ROFL or PMSL.’

If the Blackberry burqa is successful it may spread to other countries. However, experts say that dressing your phone in a burqa could result in poor reception, especially in France and Belgium.
The British government has yet to declare an official line on phone burqas although Immigration Minister Damian Green said that to ban them would be ‘very unBritish’. He went on to explain that, ‘the British thing to do, as always, is to grumble and tut.’

The Saudi government have promised that anyone who refuses to dress their Blackberry in a burqa will face harsh punishment. ‘I am not saying exactly what we will do,’ said their Minister for Justice, ‘but suffice to say that it isn’t so easy to text with your toes.’